Перевод: со словенского на английский

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  • 1 na

    na Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `on(to), in(to)'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 185-187
    Old Church Slavic:
    na `on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Russian:
    na `on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Czech:
    na `on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Slovak:
    na `on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Polish:
    na `on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    na `on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Slovene:
    nà `on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Bulgarian:
    na `of, on(to), in(to)' [prep]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: nō
    Lithuanian:
    nuõ `from' [prep]
    Latvian:
    nùo `from' [prep]
    Old Prussian:
    no `onto, against, over' [prep];
    na `onto, against, over' [prep]
    Indo-European reconstruction: nō

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > na

  • 2 naustiti

    naustiti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `incite'
    Page in Trubačev: XXIII 198-199
    Old Church Slavic:
    naustiti (Zogr., Mar.) `incite, persuade' [verb]
    Russian:
    naustít' (obs.) `incite' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    nahusćiś `prepare oneself, undertake' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    naustiti `prompt, incite' [verb]
    Slovene:
    naústiti `incite' [verb], naústim [1sg];
    nahústiti `incite' [verb], nahústim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    nuõ `from' [prep]
    Latvian:
    nùo `from' [prep]
    Old Prussian:
    no `onto, against, over' [prep];
    na `onto, against, over' [prep]
    Indo-European reconstruction: nō+

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > naustiti

  • 3 sъ(n)

    sъ(n) Grammatical information: prep./pref. Proto-Slavic meaning: `from, with'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sъ `with' [prep];
    sъ `together' [pref]
    Russian:
    s(o) `from, with' [prep/pref]
    Czech:
    s(e) `from, with' [prep/pref]
    Slovak:
    s(e) `from, with' [prep/pref]
    Polish:
    z(e) `from, with' [prep/pref]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    s(a) `from, with' [prep/pref]
    Slovene:
    s(ǝ̀) `from, with' [prep/pref]
    Bulgarian:
    s(ăs) `with, from' [prep/pref]
    Indo-European reconstruction: sm̯
    Other cognates:
    Skt. sám (RV+) `together, at the same time' [prev/prep]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sъ(n)

  • 4 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 5 dòl̨a

    dòl̨a Grammatical information: f. jā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `share, fate'
    Page in Trubačev: V 62-63
    Church Slavic:
    dolja (RuCS) `part, fate' [f jā]
    Russian:
    dólja `part, share, fate, (bot., anat.) lobe' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    dolja `part, fate' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    dólja `share, fate' [f jā]
    Ukrainian:
    dólja `fate, destiny' [f jā] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    s dolí < zdoly> `succesfully'
    Polish:
    dola `fate, destiny, (coll.) share' [f jā] \{1\}
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doljaʔ \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    dalià `fate, destiny' [f jā] 4
    Latvian:
    dal̨a `part, share' [f jā]
    Comments: According to Bańkowski (2000: 282), this etymon spread from Belorussian, where it originated from a Lithuanian substratum, to Ukrainian, Russian and Polish. The secondary meaning `fate' is assumed to have arisen in Belorussian. Though this is not an implausible scenario, it should be noticed that Trubačëv mentions late 14th century attestations of dolja in Old Russian / Russian Church Slavic, in the meaning `fate' as well as in the meaning `part'. Furthermore, there is an Old Czech attestation from around 1400.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The earliest attestations date from the 17th century (Bańkowski 2000: 282).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dòl̨a

  • 6 bȁba

    bȁba Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `old woman'
    Page in Trubačev: I 105-108
    Old Church Slavic:
    baba `nurse' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bába `grandmother, married peasant woman' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bába `grandmother, midwife, old woman' [f ā];
    baba (pej.) `old woman' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    baba `grandmother, midwife, old woman' [f ā]
    Polish:
    baba `grandmother, midwife, old woman, mother-in-law' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bãbă `old woman, grannie, female (of an animal)' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȁba `grandmother, midwife, nurse, mother-in-law' [f ā];
    Čak. bȁba (Vrgada) `grandmother, midwife' [f ā];
    Čak. bȁba (Novi) `midwife' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bába `grandmother, midwife' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bába `grandmother, old woman, mother-in-law' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: báʔbaʔ
    Lithuanian:
    bóba `old woman' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    bãba `old woman' [f ā]
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 91
    Other cognates:
    MHG bâbe, bôbe `old woman' [f] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Middle High German word is assumed to be a borrowing from Slavic (Sɫawski SP I: 171).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȁba

  • 7 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 8 mě̑xъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mě̑xъ

  • 9 měšъkъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > měšъkъ

  • 10 zębnǫti

    I. zębnǫti I Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `suffer from cold'
    Russian:
    zjábnut' `suffer from cold' [verb]
    Czech:
    zábnouti `suffer from cold' [verb]
    Slovak:
    ziabnut' `suffer from cold' [verb]
    Polish:
    ziębnąć `suffer from cold' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    žem̃bti `cut slantwise, sharpen' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ǵembʰ-
    Other cognates:
    Skt. jámbhate `snatch' [verb];
    Skt. jámbhayati `crush' [verb]
    II. zębnǫti II Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `germinate'
    Old Church Slavic:
    prozębnǫti `germinate' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    zjabnuti `germinate' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    žémbėti `germinate, sprout' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ǵemb-??
    Other cognates:
    Lat. gemma `bud, precious stone' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > zębnǫti

  • 11 drevje

    drevje; drevě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `earlier, before'
    Page in Trubačev: V 106-107
    Old Church Slavic:
    drevlje `before, earlier, once' [adv]
    Russian:
    drevě `from the earliest times, long ago' [adv];
    drěve `from the earliest times, long ago' [adv];
    drevlje `once, before' [adv];
    drěvlje `once, before' [adv]
    Czech:
    dřív(e) `before, earlier' [adv]
    Old Czech:
    dřév(e) `before, earlier' [adv];
    dřiev(e) `before, earlier' [adv]
    Slovak:
    driev `before, earlier' [adv]
    Polish:
    drzewiej (obs.) `once, before, earlier' [adv]
    Old Polish:
    drzewie `once, before, earlier' [adv]
    Slovene:
    drẹ̑vi `tonight' [adv]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drevje

  • 12 drevě

    drevje; drevě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `earlier, before'
    Page in Trubačev: V 106-107
    Old Church Slavic:
    drevlje `before, earlier, once' [adv]
    Russian:
    drevě `from the earliest times, long ago' [adv];
    drěve `from the earliest times, long ago' [adv];
    drevlje `once, before' [adv];
    drěvlje `once, before' [adv]
    Czech:
    dřív(e) `before, earlier' [adv]
    Old Czech:
    dřév(e) `before, earlier' [adv];
    dřiev(e) `before, earlier' [adv]
    Slovak:
    driev `before, earlier' [adv]
    Polish:
    drzewiej (obs.) `once, before, earlier' [adv]
    Old Polish:
    drzewie `once, before, earlier' [adv]
    Slovene:
    drẹ̑vi `tonight' [adv]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drevě

  • 13 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 14 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 15 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 16 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 17 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 18 làjati

    I. làjati I Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `bark'
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 20
    Old Church Slavic:
    lajati (Supr.) `bark' [verb], lajǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    lájat' `bark' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    lajati `bark' [verb]
    Belorussian:
    lájać `curse' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    lájati `curse, scold' [verb]
    Czech:
    láti `scold, bark' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    láti `scold' [verb]
    Slovak:
    lát' `scold' [verb]
    Polish:
    ɫajać `curse, scold, bark' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    ɫajać `curse, scream' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    ɫajac `bark, curse' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    ɫajaś `bark, scold, curse' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁjati `bark, swear' [verb], lȁjēm [1sg];
    Čak. lȁjati (Vrgada) `bark, swear' [verb], lȁješ [2sg];
    Čak. lȁjati ʌOrbanići) `bark' [verb], lȃʌe [3sg]
    Slovene:
    lȃjati `bark, scream, curse' [verb], lȃjam [1sg], lȃjem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    lája `bark, scold' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    lae `bark, swear' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: laH-tei
    Lithuanian:
    lóti `bark' [verb]
    Latvian:
    lãt `bark, scold' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: leh₂-
    IE meaning: bark
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: ?
    Other cognates:
    Skt. rā́yati `bark' [verb] \{1\};
    Lat. lātrāre `bark' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} If not from IE. Hreh₁
    II. lajati II Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `ambush, lie in wait for'
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 21
    Old Church Slavic:
    lajati `ambush, lie in wait for' [verb], lajǫ [1sg]
    Church Slavic:
    lajati (RuCS) `ambush, lie in wait for, engage in intrigues' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: leh₂-
    Page in Pokorny: 651
    Other cognates:
    Gk. λήθω `be hidden' [verb];
    Lat. latēre `be hidden' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > làjati

  • 19 my

    my Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `we'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 21-24
    Old Church Slavic:
    my `we' [prnps];
    ny (KB) `we' [prnprs]
    Russian:
    my `we' [prnps]
    Czech:
    my `we' [prnps]
    Slovak:
    my `we' [prnps]
    Polish:
    my `we' [prnps]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȋ `we' [prnps];
    Čak. mĩ (Vrgada) `we' [prnps];
    mȋ `we' [prnps];
    Čak. mí (Hvar) `we' [prnps];
    Čak. mȋ (Orbanići) `we' [prnps]
    Slovene:
    mȋ `we' [prnps]
    Bulgarian:
    mi (dial.) `we' [prnps]
    Lithuanian:
    mẽs `we' [prnps]
    Latvian:
    mẽs `we' [prnps]
    Old Prussian:
    mes `we' [prnps]
    Comments: The *m- probably orginates from the ending of the first person plural. The *y must have been adopted from *vy `you (pl.)' < *iuH-. The n- of the form ny (KB) was taken from the oblique cases, cf. the enclitic Apl. ny.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > my

  • 20 oldi

    oldi Grammatical information: f. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `boat'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 53-54
    Old Church Slavic:
    al(ъ)dii (Zogr., Supr.) `ship, boat' [f iā];
    ladii (Zogr., Mar.) `ship, boat' [f iā]
    Russian:
    lad'já `rook, (arch., dial. ) boat' [f iā];
    lód'ja (dial.) `boat, trough' [f iā]
    Old Russian:
    lodьja `boat' [f iā]
    Ukrainian:
    lódja `boat, (dial.) `trough' [f iā]
    Czech:
    lod' `boat' [f i/jā]
    Old Czech:
    lodí `boat' [f iā]
    Polish:
    ɫódź `boat' [f i]
    Old Polish:
    ɫodziá `boat' [f iā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃđa `boat' [f jā];
    Čak. lå̃đa (Vrgada) `boat' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    ládja `boat' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    ládija `canoe, boat' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: old-iH-aH
    Lithuanian:
    eldijà `hollowed out tree trunk, canoe' [f jā] 3b;
    aldijà `hollowed out tree trunk, canoe' [f jā] 3b \{1\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: Holdʰ-eh₂; h₂eldʰ-eh₂
    IE meaning: hollowed out object or spot
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 32
    Other cognates:
    OE ealdoht `trough, vessel' [f?];
    OE aldaht `trough, vessel' [f?];
    Nw. olda (dial.) `large trough, often made from a hollowed out tree trunk' [f];
    Sw. ålla (dial.) `elongated deepened spot, container' [f];
    MoHG alden (dial.) `furrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Zinkevičius (1966: 124), the forms with a- occur exclusively in those dialects where *e- > a-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > oldi

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